Crynodeb
In the present, we like to conceive of peace as the absence of its perceived opposite: we imagine it to be the normal, permanent state of society, which is only occasionally (and hopefully extremely rarely) interrupted by an abnormal, different state, that of war. Peace, in this context, we imagine as the near-complete absence of violent conflicts. War, on the other hand, we see as characterised by a significantly increased occurrence or even dominance of violent means of resolving conflicts.
This conception, we also like to transfer onto the (close and more distant) past, in which we seem to mostly be interested in war (which sometimes is even referred to as the ‚father of all things‘). The reason for this, particularly in prehistory, seems to be that war seems to have left more archaeologically identifiable material traces than peace. Starting with weapons and other instruments of warfare via direct traces – whether anthropologically identifiable as trauma on skeletal remains, or archaeologically by stray finds of weapons on ‚battlefields‘ – to defensive and offensive architecture; war seems to be relatively easily traceable by archaeological means. Peace, on the other hand, seems only identifiable negatively, through the absence of evidence for war.
As understandable as this conception may be, so misleading it is: peace is not a natural state, occurring automatically if nobody goes to war. Rather, much like war, it requires social organisation and also enforcement, often with violent means. An executioner’s sword is not a weapon of war, nor the head severed by it an injury of war, but rather a trace of the violent enforcement or re-establishment of peace. It is thus argued in this contribution that much of what we, as yet, have understood to be the ‚archaeology of warfare‘ might as well be an ‚archaeology of peace‘, since war and peace can hardly be distinguished from each other by archaeological means.
This conception, we also like to transfer onto the (close and more distant) past, in which we seem to mostly be interested in war (which sometimes is even referred to as the ‚father of all things‘). The reason for this, particularly in prehistory, seems to be that war seems to have left more archaeologically identifiable material traces than peace. Starting with weapons and other instruments of warfare via direct traces – whether anthropologically identifiable as trauma on skeletal remains, or archaeologically by stray finds of weapons on ‚battlefields‘ – to defensive and offensive architecture; war seems to be relatively easily traceable by archaeological means. Peace, on the other hand, seems only identifiable negatively, through the absence of evidence for war.
As understandable as this conception may be, so misleading it is: peace is not a natural state, occurring automatically if nobody goes to war. Rather, much like war, it requires social organisation and also enforcement, often with violent means. An executioner’s sword is not a weapon of war, nor the head severed by it an injury of war, but rather a trace of the violent enforcement or re-establishment of peace. It is thus argued in this contribution that much of what we, as yet, have understood to be the ‚archaeology of warfare‘ might as well be an ‚archaeology of peace‘, since war and peace can hardly be distinguished from each other by archaeological means.
| Cyfieithiad o deitl y cyfraniad | Beyond war and peace: Can war and peace be identified in prehistory by archaeological means? |
|---|---|
| Iaith wreiddiol | Almaeneg |
| Tudalennau (o-i) | 49-73 |
| Cyfnodolyn | Mitteilungen der Antropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien |
| Cyfrol | 148 |
| Statws | Cyhoeddwyd - 14 Rhag 2018 |
NDC y CU
Mae’r allbwn hwn yn cyfrannu at y Nod(au) Datblygu Cynaliadwy canlynol
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NDC 16 Heddwch, Cyfiawnder a Sefydliadau Cadarn
Ôl bys
Gweld gwybodaeth am bynciau ymchwil 'Jenseits von Krieg und Frieden. Kann man Krieg und Frieden in der Urgeschichte archäologisch identifizieren?'. Gyda’i gilydd, maen nhw’n ffurfio ôl bys unigryw.Allbwn Ymchwil
- 3 Pennod
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Politics and Power
Collis, J. & Karl, R., 1 Maw 2018, The Oxford Handbook of the European Iron Age. Wells, P. S., Rebay-Salisbury, K. & Haselgrove, C. (gol.). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 22 t.Allbwn ymchwil: Pennod mewn Llyfr/Adroddiad/Trafodion Cynhadledd › Pennod › adolygiad gan gymheiriaid
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Ordnung und Chaos
Karl, R. & Stüber, K. (Golygydd), 1 Ion 2010, Akten des 5. Symposiums deutschsprachiger Keltologen; Keltische Forschungen Monographienreihe A 1. Praesens Verlag, t. 153-166Allbwn ymchwil: Pennod mewn Llyfr/Adroddiad/Trafodion Cynhadledd › Pennod
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The court of law in iron age Celtic societies.
Karl, R., Karl, R. (Golygydd) & Leskovar, J. (Golygydd), 1 Ion 2009, Interpretierte Eisenzeiten 3. Fallstudien, Methoden, Theorie. Tagungsbeiträge der 3. Linzer Gespräche zur interpretativen Eisenzeitarchäologie.. 2009 gol. Oberösterreichisches Landesmuseum, t. 121-146Allbwn ymchwil: Pennod mewn Llyfr/Adroddiad/Trafodion Cynhadledd › Pennod
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